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Why Will No One Say The Reason Detroit Has the Highest Car Insurance Rates is Because it is a Black City?
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Currently, the 1.1 standard deviation difference in average IQ between Blacks and Whites in the United States is not in itself a matter of empirical dispute. A meta-analytic review by Roth, Bevier, Bobko, Switzer, and Tyler (2001) showed it also holds for college and university application tests such as the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT; N 2.4 million) and the Graduate Record Examination (GRE; N 2.3 million), as well as for tests for job applicants in corporate settings (N 0.5 million) and in the military (N 0.4 million). Because test scores are the best predictor of economic success in Western society (Schmidt & Hunter, 1998), these group differences have important societal outcomes (R. A. Gordon, 1997; Gottfredson, 1997).
Race differences in average brain size are observable at birth. A study by Rushton (1997) analyzed recorded head circumference measurements and IQ scores from 50,000 children in the Collaborative Perinatal Project followed from birth to age 7 (Broman, Nichols, Shaugnessy, & Kennedy, 1987). Using the head circumference measures to calculate cranial capacity at birth, 4 months, 1 year, and 7 years, at each of these ages, the Asian American children averaged larger cranial volumes than did the White children, who averaged larger cranial volumes than did the Black children. Within each race, cranial capacity correlated with IQ scores. By age 7, the Asian American children averaged an IQ of 110; the White children, 102; and the Black children 90. Because the Asian American children were the shortest in stature and the lightest in weight while the Black children were the tallest in stature and the heaviest in weight, these average race differences in brain-size/IQ relations were not due to body size.
“Transracial adoption is the human analog of the cross-fostering design, commonly used in animal behavior genetics research. . . .There is no question that adoption constitutes a massive intervention” (Scarr & Weinberg, 1976, p. 726). Studies of Korean and Vietnamese children adopted into White homes show that although as babies many had been hospitalized for malnutrition, they nonetheless grew to have IQs 10 or more points higher than their adoptive national norms. By contrast, Black and mixed-race (Black–White) children adopted into White middle-class families typically have lower average scores than the White siblings with whom they had been reared or than White children adopted into similar homes.
Black African babies, even those born to mothers in the professional classes, are also born earlier than White babies (Papiernik, Cohen, Richard, de Oca, & Feingold, 1986). They are not born premature but sooner, and they are biologically more mature. After birth, Black babies continue to mature faster, on average, than White babies, whereas East Asian babies average an even slower rate. X-rays show a faster rate of average bone growth in Black children than in White children, and a faster rate in White children than in East Asian children (Eveleth & Tanner, 1990, pp. 154–155). Black babies at a given age also average greater muscular strength and a more accurate reach for objects. Black children average a younger age of sitting, crawling, walking, and putting on their own clothes than Whites or East Asians. The average age of walking is 13 months in East Asian children, 12 months in White children, and 11 months in Black children (Bayley, 1965; Brazelton & Freedman, 1971).
Blacks average a faster rate of dental development than do Whites, who have a faster rate than do East Asians. On average, Black children begin the first stage of permanent tooth growth at about 5.8 years, whereas Whites and East Asians do not begin until 6.1 years (Eveleth & Tanner, 1990, pp. 158–161). Blacks also have an earlier age of sexual maturity than do Whites, who in turn have an earlier average age than do East Asians, whether measured by age of first menstruation, first sexual experience, or first pregnancy (Rushton, 2000, pp. 147–150).
Not just in the United States but around the world, East Asians and Blacks fall at the two ends of a continuum with Whites intermediate, not only on mean cognitive test scores and brain size measures but also on 60 life-history variables that provide measures of maturation, personality, reproduction, and social organization. It seems unlikely that social factors alone could produce this consistent pattern on so diverse a set of behaviors (see Table 3; Rushton, 2000, p. 5, Table 1.1 for complete list). This evidence raises the theoretical question of whether single traits such as intelligence are part of a broader “life-history” perspective.
The greatest genetic divergence within the human species is between Africans (who have had the most time for random mutations to accumulate) and non-Africans (Cavalli-Sforza 2000; Cavalli-Sforza et al., 1994; Nei & Roychoudhury, 1993). Jensen (1998b, pp. 517–520) carried out a principal-components analysis of data on genetic markers from Nei and Roychoudhury (1993) and found the familiar clustering of races: (a) East Asians, (b) Europeans and East Indians, (c) South Asians and Pacific Islanders, (d) Africans, (e) North and South Amerindians and Eskimos, and (f) Aboriginal Australians and Papuan New Guineans.
Culture-only hypotheses have not explained the mean Black–White group differences in IQ. (They have especially not explained the findings on East Asians.) One early view was that the mean Black–White group difference in IQ was due to the then obvious differences in (segregated) school facilities (Myrdal, 1944). However, despite the U.S. Supreme Court Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision striking down segregated schooling, and the consequent nationwide program of school busing, the mean Black–White group difference has not decreased. Moreover, the Coleman Report (Coleman et al., 1966) found that the racial composition of schools per se was not related to achievement in either Blacks or Whites. Most of the variation in IQ scores occurred within schools and less than 20% occurred between schools. Negligible, and in some cases, negative correlations were found between IQ and variables such as pupil expenditure, teachers’ salaries, teachers’ qualifications, student/teacher ratios, and the availability of other school professionals (see also Coleman, 1990–1991).
We believe the burden of proof must shift to those who argue for a 100% culture-only position. For example, they need to address why, if important minority-specific developmental processes such as stereotype threat (Steele, 1997) and racial stigma (Loury, 2002) exert such a powerful influence on school achievement, the correlation matrices representing developmental processes can be so similar across ethnic and racial groups (Section 5). They need to explain why, if gene–environment interactions are as widespread and difficult to disentangle as often claimed (e.g., Block, 1995), identical twins reared apart grow to be so similar (Bouchard, 1996; Bouchard & Loehlin, 2001). Some culture-only hypotheses are too ambiguous to be tested.
As overt discrimination fades, still large racial disparities in success lead Blacks to conclude that White racism is not only pervasive but also insidious because it is so unobservable and “unconscious.” Whites resent that nonfalsifiable accusation and the demands to compensate
Blacks for harm they do not believe they caused. Misplaced blame can also endanger institutions. Objective standards of merit that yield racially uneven outcomes when evenly applied, whether in college admissions, hiring, or day-today operations of the legal system, have increasingly come under attack—for example, by critical legal theorists as inherently pro-White and hence illegitimate. Although the distributional model does not rule out affirmative action or compensation-type initiatives, it does reduce the impact of arguments in their favor based on an exclusive adherence to the discrimination model (Gottfredson, 2000; Levin, 1997).
Because the means for Blacks and Hispanics are lower on tests of academic and vocational achievement, such as the SAT, the General Aptitude Test Battery, and the ASVAB, than those for Whites and East Asians, some have claimed the tests are racially biased. Yet the evidence reviewed and the distributional model predict that such differences will occur worldwide (see Section 3). This is supported by the fact that these tests have about equal predictive validity for all groups who speak the same language and have been schooled in the culture of the test.
Ethnic disparities in cognitive performance are not just “an American dilemma” (Myrdal, 1944) but are found around the world. In India, members of the higher castes obtain higher mean scores and examination marks than do those of the lower castes. In Malaysia, members of the Chinese and East Indian racial minorities have higher mean scores than does the majority Malay population. In South Africa, members of the White, East Indian, and Colored population groups obtain higher mean scores than does the indigenous Black African majority (Klitgaard, 1986; Lynn & Vanhanen, 2002; Nell, 2000).
The major policy implication of the research reviewed here is that adopting an evolutionary–genetic outlook does not undermine our dedication to democratic ideals. As E. O. Wilson (1978) aptly noted: “We are not compelled to believe in biological uniformity in order to affirm freedom and dignity” (p. 52). He went on to quote the sociologist Bressler (1968): “An ideology that tacitly appeals to biological equality as a condition for human emancipation corrupts the idea of freedom. Moreover, it encourages decent men to tremble at the prospect of ‘inconvenient’ findings that may emerge in future scientific research” (E. O. Wilson, 1978, p. 52). Denial of any genetic component in human variation, including between groups, is not only poor science, it is likely to be injurious both to unique individuals and to the complex structure of societies.evolutionary–genetic outlook does not undermine our dedication to democratic ideals. As E. O. Wilson (1978) aptly noted: “We are not compelled to believe in biological uniformity in order to affirm freedom and dignity” (p. 52). He went on to quote the sociologist Bressler (1968): “An ideology that tacitly appeals to biological equality as a condition for human emancipation corrupts the idea of freedom. Moreover, it encourages decent men to tremble at the prospect of ‘inconvenient’ findings that may emerge in future scientific research” (E. O. Wilson, 1978, p. 52). Denial of any genetic component in human variation, including between groups, is not only poor science, it is likely to be injurious both to unique individuals and to the complex structure of societies.
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Nigeria, with over 200 million population, is the most under-policed entity in the world (219 policemen for every 100,000 Nigerians, well below the Index Median of 300 and the 268 sub-Saharan average).